One early Times effort pitted Condoleezza Rice as the leader of the anti-Baker faction.
More recently, the Times tries out a few other approaches in an article entitled, “Report on Iraq Exposes a Divide within the G.O.P.”
One approach emphasizes the role of domestic Republican politics and cites a Wesleyan colleague, Douglas Foyle:
No matter what positions they take today, all Republicans would prefer that the 2008 elections not be fought on the battleground of Iraq, said Douglas Foyle, professor of government at Wesleyan University.
â€œThey donâ€™t want the 2008 presidential and Congressional campaign to be about staying the course,â€ Professor Foyle said. â€œThatâ€™s where the calculus of Bush and the Republicans diverge very quickly. Everyone is thinking about the next election, and Bush doesnâ€™t have one.â€
Other voices in the article also alleged that the Baker Report is supposed to function as cover for “cut and run” Republicans:
Bill Kristol, the neoconservative editor of The Weekly Standard and a leading advocate of the decision to invade Iraq, said: â€œIn the real world, the Baker report is now the vehicle for those Republicans who want to extricate themselves from Iraq…”
But Kristol knows that the conflict is not simply about the audacity of a lame duck and the cautiousness of those “thinking about the next election.”Â As Kristol suggests, the emphasis on domestic politics only goes so far in explaining the split within the Republican party.Â After all, says Kristol, one of the most prominent “rejectionists” is also the leading Republican presidential candidate for 2008, John McCain:
“McCain is articulating the strategy for victory in Iraq. Bush will have to choose, and the Republican Party will have to choose, in the very near future between Baker and McCain.â€
The Times authors also seem to discard the electoral politics explanation that pits lame duck hawks against pandering doves:
Senator John McCain of Arizona, a leading candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, rejected the major recommendations of the group because they did not present a formula for victory. Mr. McCain, hoping to claim the Republican mantle on national security issues, has staked out a muscular position on Iraq, calling for an immediate increase in American forces to try to bring order to Baghdad and crush the insurgency.
This leads to the second approach adopted by the New York Times article, one that emphasizes the role of ideological factionalism:
A document that many in Washington had hoped would pave the way for a bipartisan compromise on Iraq instead drew sharp condemnation from the right, with hawks saying it was a wasted effort that advocated a shameful American retreat.
The Wall Street Journalâ€™s editorial page described the report as a â€œstrategic muddle,â€ Richard Perle called it â€œabsurd,â€ Rush Limbaugh labeled it â€œstupid,â€ and The New York Post portrayed the leaders of the group, former Secretary of State James A. Baker III and Lee H. Hamilton, a former Democratic member of Congress, as â€œsurrender monkeysâ€…
The choice Mr. Kristol is describing reflects a longstanding Republican schism over policy and culture between ideological neoconservatives and so-called realists. Through most of the Bush administration, the neoconservativesâ€™ idea of using American military power to advance democracy around the world prevailed, pushed along by Vice President Dick Cheney and Mr. Rumsfeld.
Of course, it is true that the so-called Neoconservatives–aka Right Zionists–have been howling about the Baker Report.
The problem with this explanation of the new factionalism, however, is that most of the actual so-called “ideological neoconservatives”–including Richard Perle–were long ago purged from the administration (if not Congress) and Right Arabists occupy key posts in the White House, the State Department, the CIA, and the military brass.
So, if the Right Zionists are pleased to observe some White House “push back” against Baker, they are cheering from the side-lines, largely in absentia.
Perhaps the only meaningful exceptions–now that Bolton is gone–are Elliottt Abrams and a Right Zionist named David Wurmser.Â The key to Wurmser’s protected status, if there is any, is that he works in the Office of the Vice President.
But Cheney himself doesn’t exactly fit the profile of an “ideological neoconservative”–least of all on the basis of the skewed definition offered up by the Times (“using military power to advance democracy around the world”).Â Just check out Cheney in Kazakhstan to appreciate the gap.Â Cheney is hardly a promoter of democracy for its own sake; not quite a “true believer.”Â And, historically at least, not a particularly reliable Right Zionist.
Cheney is the leader of the rejectionist faction.Â But to what end?
The new factionalism is only indirectly about the Gulf, although it is about energy politics.Â The key split increasingly looks like a battle between competing approaches to Russia, with Iran, Iraq, and Israel hanging in the balance.